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At the same time, people continuously navigate this environment, negotiate costs and benefits, adjust settings where pragmatically possible, but with the recognition that any actual control over the environment is limited. This surveillance realism is a realism that speaks to a hampered imagination where datafication and surveillance is seen as the only legitimate response to social ills. Whilst the Snowden leaks provided opportunities for reflection and substantial reform on data collection, any substantial overhaul of digital infrastructures was kept at bay.

Although new legislation was introduced in places like Brazil with the Marco Civil Act, and changes to the Freedom Act in the US intended to curb surveillance powers, any fundamental questioning of surveillance, and indeed of a data-driven digital economy underpinning contemporary surveillance culture, was undermined.

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The political discourse on surveillance in the aftermath of the leaks restricted the policy debate within very limited parameters and served to advance hegemonic powers. Disputes circulated around definitions of surveillance e. However, political consolidation around the justification for mass data collection marginalized possibilities for fundamental opposition. In what can be considered atypical fashion, digital rights and civil liberties groups were invited to the table through consultations, and were allowed to participate in the policy process, but their participation became predominantly token in nature, being allowed to provide expertise and winning some battles on specific aspects of surveillance policy at the expense of any fundamental review of surveillance practices and mass data collection.

These developments speak to a context in which the Snowden leaks, and their aftermath, whilst creating awareness and unease with digital infrastructures, also illustrate the perseverance of surveillance culture and dataism. When Fisher described capitalist realism, he wrote of the credit crisis of It quickly became clear that, far from constituting the end of capitalism, the bank bail-outs were a massive re-assertion of the capitalist realist insistence that there is no alternative.

So what power does imagination have in a state of surveillance realism? Imagination has the potential for both oppression and emancipation; it may limit or expand that which we see as possible.

Any established social order always includes resistance, and the aftermath of the Snowden leaks also included continued and new challenges to surveillance realism. However, the nature of resistance in any instituted order is also partly generated and shaped by the circumstances of that society.

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In discussing the limits of confining critique to the moral realm, he states: In her analysis of environmental movements in late capitalism, Naomi Klein has posited a similar critique. Whilst there has been an increased awareness of climate change and a substantial normative overhaul in media and political debate on the crisis of the environment Castellsthere has also been an ongoing concern with ways in which to engage public response and resistance.

This has, at one and the same time, attributed socio-economic status to environmentalism as an aspirational consumerist lifestyle whilst also individualizing the response. That is to say, the onus is on the individual consumer as the emblem of environmental resistance Scott More broadly, Klein highlights the limitations of engaging with the environment as a question of moral conscience, or to frame it as an opportunity for competitive advantage in a market economy, instead of linking it more directly to questions of economic justice.

In thinking about resistance to data-driven surveillance post-Snowden these concerns can inform a useful critique. Whilst there has been an increased awareness and important prominent developments in activism that has sought to challenge dominant trends of datafication Milan and van der Veldenresistance in the aftermath of Snowden has also been pursued through particular avenues.

Prefiguration

Increase in the use of privacy-enhancing tools such as the TOR browser, GPG email encryption, and encrypted messaging software such as Signal, indicate a rising consciousness and concern with surveillance practices.

Alongside this, digital rights and civil liberties groups, such as Open Rights Group, Big Brother Watch, Article 19 and Liberty in the UK, have regularly issued statements regarding their concerns about surveillance, organizing public debates and lobbying legislators particularly around the Investigatory Powers Act and data protection regulation.

This has been accompanied by litigation activism where groups have taken governments to court over particular policies, and made concerted efforts to change technical standards and protocols within relevant institutions and bodies, such as the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers ICANN Dencik et al. These efforts have been significant in creating a contested environment for advancing mass data collection and for pushing back on certain surveillance practices.

However, resistance of this kind has also struggled to challenge the wider social imaginary and provide a substantial threat to surveillance realism Dencik et al.

Partly, an issue with technological responses to mass data collection is the risk that they come to advance individualized understandings of resistance in which the onus is on the individual to change their own behavior. This means that challenging data collection becomes an individualized act based on perceived skill and ability to engage in privacy-enhancing digital practices, such as downloading encrypted software, using anonymised browsers, and changing security settings.

Lobbying for policy reform and engaging in litigation activism, meanwhile, is often bounded by technical and issue-specific expertise that confines the debate to a small constituency of experts Hintz and Brown Moreover, resistance to data-driven surveillance following the Snowden leaks has often focused on trying to mitigate the excessive harms of datafication rather than questioning developments at a fundamental level.

Furthermore, such framings serve to entrench the constructed trade-off between privacy and security that underpins the surveillance realist narrative that mass data collection is, indeed, a necessary and inevitable part of contemporary society. Although these responses are shaped, in part, by what is perceived as possible, what is missed in these efforts is a form of resistance that explicitly highlights how datafication and data-driven surveillance relates to dominant economic interests and political agendas in advanced capitalist societies.

These processes are neither accidental nor inevitable but serve a particular form of social organization. In such a context, identifying infringement upon individual privacy as the core harm produced by mass data collection may do little to reveal the power structures that shape digital infrastructures. And individual technological self-protection may do little to overcome or change them.

In advancing such a framework, the aim would be to situate data-driven surveillance in the context of the interests driving such processes, and the social and economic organization that enables them.

For example, this involves engaging with the ways in which data collection and analysis embodies historical institutionalized forms of discrimination and exclusion that limits opportunity and participation for certain communities in society Gangadharan et al. Similarly, the asymmetries of power between those who collect and analyze data and those who are subject to such data collection and analysis as an inherent feature of datafication Citron and Pasqualeare seen as an expression of the increasing concentrations of power in fewer hands and related to a wider trend of privatization and deregulation along with a shift in decision-making away from the public realm.

Or, the corporate and centralized nature of data systems is understood in relation to the organization of the digital economy and the labour relations and governance that sustain it Scholz In this sense, questions of economic and social justice precede any analysis and development of data infrastructures and their position in society. Although there is not the space to outline it fully here, resistance, through this lens, would involve dynamic collaboration between different groups and movements in civil society that combine economic, social, cultural, ecological and technological dimensions in articulating both problems and solutions see also Hintz et al.

Surveillance realism identifies contemporary often undesirable mass data collection as a contingency that has been actively constructed as an inevitability, which can therefore also be challenged and reconstructed.

This, in turn, has established a social imaginary of resignation to ubiquitous data collection despite prevalent feelings of unease and recognition of discriminatory and suppressive effects. In a context of surveillance realism, the injustices and fallacies of the system become a small price to pay to fight off inefficiency, threats and terror. The Snowden leaks constitute a significant moment in the advancement of surveillance realism.

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They provided unprecedented insights into the extent of datafication and created increased awareness of surveillance practices.

This led to outbursts of resistance, which focused particularly on what we might think of as techno-legal solutionism. Such a response, however, has been unable to transform the social imaginary and pose a substantial threat to surveillance realism. Rather, it has struggled to overcome enclosed expert discourses and individualized acts of resistance that have been confined to mitigating the worst excesses of mass data collection, sometimes even advancing the inevitability of the model through its suggested compromises.

It is one in which our aspirations and hopes are formatted to fit the hegemonic system. That is, the challenge becomes one in which the issue is not simply to harvest the resources available to mitigate the excessive harms of the current datafication paradigm, but is one in which we have to expand the limits of our imagination and reassert the possibilities of another world, another way of organizing society.

Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank two anonymous reviewers as well as Alex J. Wood for the very useful comments on earlier drafts of this article.

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Mutual watching and resistance to mass surveillance after Snowden. I would not have published them. Abingdon and New York: On the Surveillance of Blackness. An overview of public opinion polls since the Edward Snowden revelations in June The Imaginary Institution of Society. Due Process for Automated Predictions. Dencik, Lina and Jonathan Cable. Dencik, Lina, Arne Hintz, A.

The ambivalence of anti-surveillance resistance in political activism. Dencik, Lina and Arne Hintz. Is there no alternative? The birth of the prison. A Political Economy of Personal Information. Open Technology Institute, New America. Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Desire and disobedience in the digital age. Hargittai, Eszter and Alice Marwick. Digital Citizenship in a Datafied Society. Hintz, Arne and Ian Brown. Hintz, Arne and Lina Dencik.

UK regulatory dynamics after Snowden. Theory Technology and Culture 38 3. Journalism and the NSA revelations: The rise of surveillance society. Marthews, Alex and Catherine E.

Surveillance Realism and the Politics of Imagination: Is There No Alternative?

Government surveillance and Internet search behaviour. Social Science Research Network. One simply cannot expect to establish equality or freedom on the basis of inequality and oppression: This insistence, that the means of radical change be consistent with its ends, has continued to inform the anarchist tradition ever since Goldman ; Franksand can also be encountered in the practices of recent assembly movements, such as Occupy Wall Street.

Second, it follows that the struggle against the existing order, and the formation of a radical alternative to it, are complementary parts of the same revolutionary process. One does not follow upon the other, as Marx held, but they always presuppose each other Van de Sande Anarchists have therefore always maintained that revolutionary movements should not only seek to topple the capitalist order, but should also gradually give rise to the political and organisational structures that could eventually replace it.

This indeed is precisely what recent assembly movements sought to establish in the long term. One may argue that this prefigurative approach is not necessarily incompatible with a Marxist analysis of capitalism or revolutionary politics — especially given that both the state and the structure of capital have changed significantly since the late 19th century.

John Holloway, in turn, has demonstrated why a militant strategy against everyday alienation in capitalist society entails the prefiguration of a radical alternative But he, and many followers in his wake, also hastened to add that durable and radical transformation of society would always require the seizure of state power Lenin and a centralist party as the platform of organisation Dean More generally, the question of how exactly a prefigurative politics must lead to successful political change in the long term, remains open for debate.

First, they illustrate that the aim of revolutionary politics cannot be reduced to matters of social-economic equality or divisions of labour. Political equality, democratic participation, and freedom of association are equally important objectives that a radical politics worth its salt must address.

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Second, the emergence of prefigurative movements and strategies suggest that it is not sufficient to pursue a vague concept of revolutionary change in a distant future. We also want to acquire at least some idea of what it might mean to live in a radically different society today. Translated by Marshall Schatz. Translated and edited by Robert M. My Further Disillusionment in Russia.